Our guest blogger is Todd Darling, a documentary filmmaker whose film, “A Snow Mobile For George,” is being featured tonight in Washington, D.C., by Reel Progress.
Back on January 13, 2004, when I left Los Angeles loaded down with cameras, winter gear, and a threadbare credit card, few, if any heads would turn at the mention of “deregulation.” Head movement would be limited to a nod, as in “nod out.”
Wall Street’s wipe out changes that. Now we realize that we let the fox into the hen house, and now the fox wants to be reimbursed for the chickens he ate. But, when I set out to make “A Snow Mobile for George,” a film about environmental deregulation, the concept of deregulation was too abstract for most viewers. That’s why I picked the environment because the effects of deregulation had no place to hide. My drive across America, trailing my two-stroke snowmobile, looking for tales of environmental deregulation, didn’t turn up a lot of joy. The reason why should not have surprised me. Simply put, the same deregulation that mangled the environment, also ruined people’s lives. Watch the trailer:
This discovery hit us hard out on a snow-covered ridge in Wyoming’s Powder River Basin. A tall cowboy told us his land had been invaded by oil companies. They had come onto his land, uninvited, looking for natural gas — “Coal Bed Methane.” The companies drilled four wells every 80 acres, built roads, installed pipe lines, pumped away his water supplies, polluted his top-soil, installed noisy pressure stations, damaged the natural vegetation, and he had almost no say in the matter. He has been virtually forced off his own private land. More »
Back in August, John McCain tried to make an issue out of the fact that one of Barack Obama’s foreign policy advisers, former U.S. ambassador to Israel Daniel Kurtzer, had attended a legal conference in Damascus in July. The attempt never went anywhere — in addition to being a total non-story charge, the geniuses working for McCain fumbled the press call by hanging up on a reporter who was asking inconvenient questions about the lobbying work of various McCain staffers and surrogates.
Today, the Huffington Post’s Murray Waas reports that one of those staffers, William Timmons, the Washington lobbyist heading up McCain’s presidential transition team, “aided an influence effort on behalf of Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein to ease international sanctions against his regime“:
The two lobbyists who Timmons worked closely with over a five year period on the lobbying campaign later either pleaded guilty to or were convicted of federal criminal charges that they had acted as unregistered agents of Saddam Hussein’s government.
During the same period beginning in 1992, Timmons worked closely with the two lobbyists, Samir Vincent and Tongsun Park, on a previously unreported prospective deal with the Iraqis in which they hoped to be awarded a contract to purchase and resell Iraqi oil. Timmons, Vincent, and Park stood to share at least $45 million if the business deal went through.
Timmons’ activities occurred in the years following the first Gulf War, when Washington considered Iraq to be a rogue enemy state and a sponsor of terrorism.
Waas also reports that “proposals that Timmons himself circulated to U.S. officials as part of the effort were written with the assistance of…Iraqi officials, and were also sent ahead of time with Timmons’ approval to [Saddam Hussein’s Deputy Prime Minister Tariq] Aziz.” Interestingly, a few years after Timmons worked with Iraqi officials to implement U.S. legislation to ease sanctions on Saddam Hussein, McCain foreign policy adviser Randy Scheunemann worked with Iraqi exiles to implement U.S. legislation to remove Saddam Hussein. Now that’s diversity!
Nancy Pfotenhauer, a senior economic adviser to Sen. John McCain (R-AZ), is the former top lobbyist for Koch Industries, the right-wing corporate polluter. Her current husband, Kurt Pfotenhauer, is the CEO and top lobbyist of the American Land Title Association, “the national trade association and voice of the abstract and title insurance industry.” Until this year, Kurt was the senior vice president and top lobbyist of the Mortgage Bankers Association (MBA), “the national association representing the real estate finance industry.”
Pfotenhauer, like his wife, is part of Washington’s revolving-door lobbyist culture. Prior to joining MBA in May 2002, Pfotenhauer was chief of staff to Sen. Gordon Smith (R-OR) for five years (in 2006, Smith received $14,000 in campaign contributions from the MBA PAC). Previously, Pfotenhauer was a lobbyist for United Parcel Service (UPS) for five years, and before that was chief of staff to Rep. Denny Smith (R-OR).
Kurt Pfotenhauer’s past and present clients are, of course, the real estate finance corporations that are at the center of the present financial crisis. Their predatory and deceptive lending practices in pursuit of irrational profit margins — in concert with hedge funds and investment banks who blew up toxic mortgages into towers of unregulated debt — have threatened the fiscal underpinnings of the global economy.
For years, they worked in concert with the Bush administration to block, weaken, and delay regulatory reform by Congress, such as the Predatory Mortgage Lending Practices Reduction Act of 2007, which died in the Senate. Last year, Pfotenhauer testified before Congress against the Emergency Home Ownership and Mortgage Equity Protection Act, a bill that would have allowed judges to restructure toxic mortgages to allow people to keep their homes — and would have helped prevent the current financial meltdown and bailouts. More »
“The fundamentals of the economy are strong.”
- Sen. John McCain (R-AZ), 9/15/08
McCain uttered this phrase on the same day that the U.S. financial system was facing its “gravest crisis in modern times.” This weekend, the securities firm Lehman Brothers “filed for bankruptcy protection and hurtled toward liquidation,” “becoming the largest financial firm to fail in the global credit crisis,” while Bank of America “agreed to acquire Merrill Lynch & Co. for about $50 billion as the credit crisis claimed another of America’s oldest financial companies.” The insurance giant AIG is also asking the Federal Reserve for an infusion of cash, while the Dow Jones industrial average dropped 300 points in the first 15 minutes of trading this morning.
But it’s really no surprise that McCain is divorced from the reality of America’s faltering economic system. Just take note of who advises his campaign on economic matters. The Wonk Room has assembled a report on John McCain’s Econ Team — from those who helped spur the mortgage meltdown to those still blissfully unaware that anything is wrong with the economy:
Phil Gramm: McCain’s “Econ Brain,” who called America “a nation of whiners” in a “mental recession,” former Senator Gramm was behind the Commodity Futures Modernization Act and the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act. The former made legal “the mortgage swaps distancing the originator of the loan from the ultimate collector,” while the latter “destroyed the Depression-era barrier to the merger of stockbrokers, banks and insurance companies.” As The Nation wrote, “those two acts effectively ended significant regulation of the financial community.”
Rick Davis: Before becoming McCain’s campaign manager, Davis “served as president of an advocacy group led by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac that defended the two companies against increased regulation.” As noted in the Progress Report, “During his tenure, Davis moved to challenge even the smallest measures to make sure that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are be held more accountable for their actions.”
Donald Luskin: Like McCain, Luskin believes that “things today just aren’t that bad,” and everyone should “quit doling out that bad-economy line.” In a Washington Post Op-ed on Sunday, he wrote that “we have surely become a nation of exaggerators,” despite agreeing that “the foreclosure rate is the worst since the Great Depression.” More »
Our guest blogger is Daniella Leger, the Vice President for Communications at the Center for American Progress Action Fund.
During her speech last night to the Republican National Convention, Gov. Sarah Palin (R-AK) made a point of highlighting how Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) has stood up to lobbyists:
Sen. McCain’s record of actual achievement and reform helps explain why so many special interests, lobbyists and comfortable committee chairmen in Congress have fought the prospect of a McCain presidency — from the primary election of 2000 to this very day.
Perhaps Palin should have vetted the McCain campaign before she spoke. If she had, she would have realized that the McCain campaign has more than 159 lobbyists working and raising money for it, and their influence is seen in his foreign and economic policy.
A prime example is Senior Campaign Advisor Charlie Black, whose clients include big oil, drug companies and banks. Given Black’s influence in the campaign, it is no wonder that McCain has no real solution to the housing crisis and his policies favor oil and drug companies.
So, before Palin comes to clean up Washington, D.C., maybe she should swing by her campaign office and get the McCain/Palin house in order.
Michael Isikoff reports that the McCain campaign “has hastily assembled a team of former Bush White House aides to tutor the vice-presidential candidate, Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, on foreign-policy issues, to write her speeches and to begin preparing her for her all-important Oct. 2 debate against Sen. Joe Biden.”
Leading this team is Steve Biegun, who has been hired as chief foreign-policy adviser to Gov. Palin. Last Friday, “Biegun flew to St. Paul and, together with McCain’s foreign-policy guru Randy Schuenemann, began briefings for Palin on national-security issues — an area where her resume is conspicuously thin.”
A little background on Steve Biegun:
- In 2001, Biegun was appointed Executive Secretary of the National Security Council by President Bush.
- In 2003 Biegun joined the staff of Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist as national security adviser.
- In 2004, Biegun was hired by Ford Motor Co. as part of Ford’s effort to “rev up its Washington government affairs operation.” Biegun is now on leave from Ford to work for McCain.
Notably, from 1992 to 1994, Biegun served as the Resident Director in the Russian Federation for the International Republican Institute, a democracy-promoting organization for which McCain has served as chairman since 1993.
In July, the New York Times reported that “an examination of [McCain’s] leadership of the Republican institute — one of the least-chronicled aspects of his political life — reveals an organization in many ways at odds with the political outsider image that has become a touchstone of the McCain campaign for president”:
[The IRI is] something of a revolving door for lobbyists and out-of-power Republicans that offers big donors a way of helping both the party and the institute’s chairman, who is the second sitting member of Congress — and now candidate for president — ever to head one of the democracy groups.
Operating without the sort of limits placed on campaign fund-raising, the institute under Mr. McCain has solicited millions of dollars for its operations from some 560 defense contractors, lobbying firms, oil companies and other corporations, many with issues before Senate committees Mr. McCain was on.
As to the sort of foreign policy ideology with which Biegun will be inculcating Palin, Steve Clemons of the New America Foundation told Isikoff that Biegun “will turn [Palin] into an advocate of Cheneyism and Cheney’s view of national-security issues.”
On “Fox and Friends” yesterday, Nancy Mitchell Pfotenhauer — a top policy adviser for Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) — derided those who say that lifting the offshore drilling moratorium won’t affect gas prices, saying it “reveals ignorance on the futures markets.”
That position puts her at odds with the federal Energy Information Administration, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger (R-CA), McCain economic adviser Douglas Holtz-Eakin, and even McCain himself. Why would Pfotenhauer go so far off message?
Perhaps it’s because the only ones who would benefit from lifting the moratorium are energy companies like Koch Industries (pronounced “coke”), the largest private company in the United States, the secretive backer of the right-wing message machine, and Pfotenhauer’s longtime boss.
Koch Industries Is The Secret Dirty Energy King. With $90 billion in annual sales, Koch Industries is the largest privately owned company in the United States. Begun in 1940 as an oil refining business by Fred Koch, his company — now controlled by sons David and Charles Koch — has diversified into “refining and chemicals; process and pollution control equipment and technologies; minerals and fertilizer; fibers and polymers; commodity and financial trading and services; and forest and consumer products” — a global warming pollution factory. [Forbes, 2007]
Koch Industries Is At The Center Of The Right-Wing Message Machine. Koch’s founder, Fred Koch, also helped found the John Birch Society, an ultraconservative organization that believed the U.S. government was controlled by a traitorous cabal of Communist sympathizers. Koch Industries’ charitable arm, the Koch Family Foundations, has provided over $120 million in the past 20 years to the Cato Institute (founded by Charles Koch), Citizens for a Sound Economy (founded by David Koch, now Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks), the Heritage Foundation, George Mason University, the Federalist Society, the Mercatus Center, and dozens more right-wing, anti-regulatory, and global-warming denial organizations. [Media Transparency]
Nancy Pfotenhauer Is A Pure Right-Wing/Koch Industries Product. Pfotenhauer’s resumé includes George Mason University (funded by Koch), Citizens for a Sound Economy (founded by Koch), Americans for Prosperity (founded by Koch), and the Independent Women’s Forum (funded by Koch). She also worked directly for Koch Industries as their top Washington lobbyist. When not on the Koch payroll, Pfotenhauer worked for the Republican National Committee, Sen. William Armstrong (R-CO), and Dan Quayle’s Council on Competitiveness. [Media Transparency, Dunamis International Ministries]
Our guest blogger is Daniel J. Weiss, a Senior Fellow and the Director of Climate Strategy at the Center for American Progress Action Fund.
Republican Presidential nominee apparent John McCain brags about his leadership on climate change. He even taunted Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton when he said:
I don’t know what their position is because I haven’t seen them show any particular commitment in the U.S. Senate or elsewhere [on climate change]. I have proposed legislation and fought for amendments.
With all of his bragging about global warming, you would think Sen. McCain would be at the center of this week’s Senate’s debate over the Climate Security Act, sponsored by Barbara Boxer (D-CA) Joe Lieberman (I-CT), and John Warner (R-VA). Unfortunately, he doesn’t plan to participate in the debate, and opposes the bill because it lacks big bucks to build nuclear power plants.
How come the Straight Talk Express can’t find the U.S. Senate for this critical debate?
Is it because Sen. McCain has received more money from the special interests that oppose this bill than all but one other member of the Senate? He has received over $2 million from oil, coal, utility, auto, chemical and nuclear companies from the 1990 cycle to the first quarter of 2008. In fact, of this total, McCain received nearly two-thirds of it — $1.2 million — since he began his presidential quest 18 months ago. And like Senator McCain, these interests and the trade associations they fund oppose the Climate Security Act.
Since McCain began running for president in 2007, he missed all the important clean energy votes. He did make sure to wink at big oil by announcing he would have supported its existing unjustified tax breaks had he been around. The bipartisan effort to close these loopholes failed by one vote. And after he missed the opportunity to become the deciding vote to extend tax incentives for efficiency and wind and solar power by adding it to the stimulus package, he gave a nod to big coal and huge utility conglomerates by announcing he would have opposed this measure too.
Sen. McCain plans to use his support for reductions in global warming pollution as a central element in his effort to distinguish himself from President Bush. On June 3rd, he proclaimed, “The next President must be willing to break completely with the energy policies not just of the Bush Administration, but the administrations that preceded his.” But Sen. McCain is a leader in campaign donations from the same interests who helped Bush write his energy plan that brought us $4 gallon gasoline. And like the Bush administration, he also opposes the Climate Security Act.
Frequently, Sen. McCain has lectured his colleagues about the corrupting nature of campaign contributions and lobbyists. He preached that “Our government must be free from corrupting influences, both real and perceived.” A large part of his reputation as a “maverick” rests on this issue. Yet his campaign is run by lobbyists. And he has received more campaign cash from big energy companies than 98 other senators, and then joins their opposition to the Climate Security Act. Sen. McCain appears to be nothing more than another senator influenced by special interests -– a prime example of the Washington influence system that he bemoans.
Read the full report — PACing Away the Climate Security Act?
UPDATE 6/17: McCain’s oil & gas industry take for the 2008 cycle, including contributions reported on May 21, has risen to $723,777, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, bringing his career receipts to $981,804.
USA Today reports on the lobbying career of John McCain’s top foreign policy adviser Randy Scheunemann, noting that Schuenemann “lobbied the Arizona senator’s staff on behalf of the republic of Georgia while he was working for the campaign”:
Randy Scheunemann, founder of Orion Strategies, represented the governments of Macedonia, Georgia and Taiwan between 2003 and March 1, according to the firm’s filings with the Justice Department. In its latest semiannual report, the firm disclosed that Scheunemann had a phone conversation in November about Georgia with Richard Fontaine, an aide in McCain’s Senate office.
As the article notes, in his capacity as McCain’s spokesman, Scheunemann often comments on issues directly relating to his firms’ clients. This was the case in an interview Scheunemann gave to Radio Liberty last month, in which Scheunemann attacked Russia’s policy toward Georgia while neglecting to disclose that he had been a paid lobbyist for Georgia until as late as December 2007.
The article notably does not mention one of the Chalabyist’s most significant and successful lobbying operations: the invasion of Iraq. Scheunemann served as president of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, a neoconservative front group created in 2002. CLI coordinated with the Bush White House to gin up public support for the Iraq war by buttressing and echoing the administration’s various dubious claims about the threat posed by Saddam, and the quickness and ease of a war to remove him.
Part of Scheunemann’s work for the CLI was promoting convicted embezzler and WMD fantasist Ahmad Chalabi as the “new Iraqi Ataturk,” and Chalabi’s Iraqi National Congress as a “government in exile.” In a 2003 NewsHour interview, Scheunemann defended Chalabi’s “vision” for Iraq, claiming that Chalabi was opposed for “ideological reasons” by the State Department and the CIA, who, it turns out, were precisely correct about Chalabi’s untrustworthiness.
Scheunemann also managed to convince John McCain that Chalabi was “a patriot with the interest of Iraq at heart.” Note that this “Iraqi patriot” has now been disavowed by the Bush administration, judged to be an “agent of influence” of Iran. Chalabi is suspected to have tipped off Iran that the U.S. had broken secret Iranian codes, as well as passing Iraqi government documents to Iranian agents. Back in 2004, the Defense Intelligence Agency concluded that “Iranian intelligence has been manipulating the United States through Chalabi.” Needless to say, none of this speaks very well of Scheunemann’s judgement, or John McCain’s.
UPDATE: Think Progress has more on Charlie Black, another former Chalabyist who works for McCain.
Via TAPPED, John McCain’s foreign policy spokesman Randy Scheunemann recently gave an interview to Radio Free Europe about the growing tension between Russia and Georgia. Scheunemann took a hard line against Russia’s “undermining of Georgian sovereignty” by moving to establish direct ties with breakaway regions of Georgia.
Interestingly, neither Scheunemann nor the interviewer mentioned that Randy Scheunemann used to be employed as a lobbyist for the Georgian government. That’s right, the person who’s giving John McCain advice on Russia and Georgia was “registered with the U.S. Department of Justice as a foreign agent working on behalf of the government of Georgia.”
Scheunemann is a longtime neoconservative activist and lobbyist. In addition to working for the government of Georgia, Scheunemann was was the director of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, a neocon front group spun off from the Project for the New American Century (where Scheunemann also works as a foreign policy and national security analyst) which lobbied for the invasion of Iraq. Scheunemann’s firm, Scheunemann and Associates, also lobbied for the National Rifle Association between 1999 and 2002.
Of course, Scheunemann is only one of the many former lobbyists helping to drive the Straight Talk Express. In fact, as Media Matters reported, “McCain has more current and former lobbyists working on his campaign staff than any other candidate in the 2008 presidential election.”
Tonight Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) is flying into Denver to scrounge up cash at a $25,000 apiece “roundtable” followed by a $1000-a-head ($2300 with a “Photo Opportunity”) fundraiser at the Denver Petroleum Club. McCain’s choice of venue is singularly appropriate, as his campaign is being funded and run by Big Oil lobbyists. As global warming, skyrocketing oil prices, and a failing economy create an interlinked energy crisis, McCain has repeatedly failed to put the people’s interests before those of the fossil-energy industry.
Since launching his campaign for president, Sen. McCain has talked tough about Big Oil but has been funded by their petro-dollars. In a 2007 Iowa speech, McCain described his “energy strategy” for America, with “straight talk” about “petro-dictators,” big oil subsidies, and energy lobbyists:
As President, I’ll propose a national energy strategy that will amount to a declaration of independence from the risk bred by our reliance on petro-dictators and our vulnerability to the troubled politics of the lands they rule. That strategy won’t be another grab bag of handouts to this or that industry and a full employment act for lobbyists. Yes, that means no ethanol subsidies. But it also means no rifle-shot tax breaks for big oil.
But is candidate McCain himself reliant on Big Oil? Since first running for the Senate in 1986, John McCain has received at least $549,712 from the oil and gas industry. More than half — $291,685 — has come in the last two years. Moreover, John McCain’s own campaign is a “full employment act for lobbyists” who rely on “petro-dictators.”
– McCain’s Senior Adviser Lobbies For Foreign Oil Interests. Charlie Black (lobbying firm: BKSH), McCain’s senior campaign adviser, is a registered lobbyist for two Russian oil companies — Yukos Oil and Occidental International Corporation — and his lobbying firm was hired in 2005 by the China National Off-Shore Oil Corporation. [Roll Call 7/18/05, Senate Lobbying Disclosure Records]
– McCain’s “Consigliere” a Top Lobbyist for Saudi Arabia. Former Texas representative Tom Loeffler (The Loeffler Group), a top Bush fundraiser now in charge of McCain’s fundraising efforts, received approximately $900,000 a year from the Saudis to lobby Congress and “arrange meetings between Saudi officials and such senior Bush administration officials as Karl Rove.” [DNC 4/23/07]
– McCain’s Campaign Liaison to Congress a Million-Dollar Big-Oil Lobbyist. John Green (Ogilvy Government Relations) — the “full-time liaison between McCain’s presidential campaign and Republicans in the House and the Senate” — has made over $7.6 million dollars since 1999 lobbying for petro-industry giants such as Amerada-Hess, Chevron Texaco, the American Petroleum Institute, Reliant Energy, PJM Interconnection and First Energy. [Politico 3/4/08, Senate Lobbying Disclosure Records]
– Fossil Fuel Lobbyists Everywhere in the McCain Campaign. Susan Nelson, McCain’s National Finance Chair worked at the Loeffler Group for Saudi Arabia. Frank Donatelli, McCain’s RNC liaison to the Republican Party, has lobbied for ExxonMobil, Dominion, and Eastman Chemical. Jerry Kilgore, co-chairman of McCain’s Virginia campaign, has lobbied for Shell Oil and coal company Alpha Natural Resources. [Washington Post 3/12/08, O’Dwyer’s 8/9/06, Media Matters 2/26/08, Senate Lobbying Disclosure Records]
Although Candidate McCain may have made a “declaration of independence” on the campaign trail, Senator McCain’s own actions have kept “rifle-shot tax breaks for big oil” and “reliance on petro-dictators” as the law of the land.
– McCain Voted Against Reducing Dependence on Foreign Oil. In 2005, McCain voted against legislation calling on the President to submit a plan to reduce foreign petroleum imports by 40 percent. [Senate Roll Call Vote #140, 6/16/05; DNC 6/22/07]
– Candidate McCain’s “Zero” For Energy Future, Billions For Big Oil. Since launching his campaign for president in 2007, Sen. McCain has skipped out on every key environmental vote the Senate has considered, earning him a zero on the League of Conservation Voters scorecard this session. In one such instance, his absence killed the rollback of billions of dollars in oil subsidies for renewable energy investment. [LCV 2008]
– McCain’s Absence Allows GOP to Filibuster Oil-For-Renewables. By a roll call vote of 59-40 on December 13, 2007, Senate Democrats failed to muster the 60 votes needed to prevent a filibuster threatened by Republicans of compromise energy legislation with an oil-for-renewable tax package. The tax package rolled back $12.7 billion in tax breaks on the oil and gas industry to invest in renewable energy tax credits. Sen. John McCain, on the campaign trail, was the one senator not voting. [CQ 12/12/07] [Vote #425 12/13/07]
Having failed to act to roll back subsidies for Big Oil as a senator, McCain now has unveiled a tax plan which would provide an even greater “grab bag of handouts” to industry. As Wendy Norris at Colorado Confidential asks, “[W]ould a McCain presidency simply reprise the oil-and-gas-friendly Bush Administration for another four years?”
