The Wonk Room

Duke Energy Quits Scandal-Ridden American Coalition For Clean Coal Electricity

Duke EnergyElectric utility giant Duke Energy has quit the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE) because of the coal group’s unethical opposition to President Obama’s clean energy reform agenda. For the last few years, Duke has been one of the most prominent industry voices calling for the regulation of industrial global warming pollution, but has also supported the efforts of various right-wing lobbying groups to prevent such action. ACCCE, in addition to promoting “clean coal” Christmas carols, employs right-wing public relations firms to paint the American Clean Energy and Security Act as a job-killing energy tax through whatever means necessary — even blatant forgery. According to the National Journal, Duke has finally recognized that the time has come to choose energy reform over old pollution:

Duke Energy left the American Coalition for Clean Coal Energy on Tuesday over differences with “influential member companies who will not support passing climate change legislation in 2009 or 2010,” the company said.

Duke Energy left the right-wing National Association of Manufacturers in May for similar reasons, but Duke’s CEO, Jim Rogers, still sits on the board of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce — alongside right-wing climate deniers Don Blankenship, Harry Alford, and George Argyros — which is spending tens of millions of dollars to kill clean energy jobs.

Members of business coalitions like the U.S. Climate Action Partnership (USCAP) and Business for Innovative Climate & Energy Policy (BICEP) have advocated for the establishment of a mandatory carbon market (”cap and trade”) to promote investment in clean energy while reducing global warming polution. In the meantime, business coalitions like the National Association of Manufacturers, ACCCE, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and the American Petroleum Institute (API) are running Astroturf campaigns to kill clean energy legislation.

However, Duke is not the only company that has been playing both sides of the field:

Members of USCAP and ACCCE: General Electric, Alstom Power and Caterpillar

Members of USCAP and NAM: Dow Chemical, Ford, Chrysler, General Electric, ConocoPhillips, and Caterpillar

Members of USCAP and API: Siemens, Dow Chemical, Shell, General Electric, ConocoPhillips, and BP America

Members of USCAP and the Chamber of Commerce: Alcoa, Caterpillar, ConocoPhillips, Deere & Company, Dow Chemical, Duke Energy, and Siemens

Member of BICEP and the Chamber of Commerce: Nike

Other ostensibly green companies on the boards of NAM and the Chamber include AT&T, Procter & Gamble, Verizon, Corning, Ford, Honda, Toyota, 3M, Intel, and IBM.

Update At EnviroKnow, based on a tip from the Switchboard's Pete Altman, Josh Nelson confirms that Alcoa and First Energy also left ACCCE a few months ago. Express Marine and the Western Farmers Electric Cooperative are the two other original members of ACCCE who are no longer listed as members.
Update 9/9/09: Alstom Power leaves ACCCE.



The Battle Between Small Donors And Big Spenders »

Our guest blogger is Lisa Gilbert, a Democracy Advocate for U.S. PIRG.

hillarymovie Do corporate special interests really have too little power in America? Does it seem like the electoral playing field is slanted against them?

Unbelievably, that’s the question the U.S. Supreme Court will take up this fall. In fact, the justices considered it so important that they cut their vacations short by a month to deliberate.

According to the most recent data from the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics, oil and gas related PACs and individuals gave $35 million to 2008 congressional candidates, insurance interests gave $46 million, and securities firms gave a whopping $156 million. Tom Donahue of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce recently pledged to spend $100 million in order to fight lawmakers’ efforts to rein in Wall Street excesses, curb global warming pollution and reform health care.

However, in spite of this type of big spending, this September, the Supreme Court will rehear Citizens United V. FEC to determine if corporate money should have still further influence on our political system. In fact, determining whether the Court’s past rulings on campaign finance reform should be thrown aside will be one of Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s first tasks – “a potentially monumental decision that could reverse a century of congressional restrictions on election spending.”

The case concerns a documentary targeting Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign, produced by a non-profit group called Citizens United. The group used corporate treasury funds to make the film and wished to air it right before the primary elections on cable TV, in violation of the longstanding ban on corporate contributions to federal campaigns.

By coming back early to rehear this case, it is clear that activist judges on the Court are considering rolling back decades of established law limiting corporate spending in elections. At stake is whether corporations will be able to spend unlimited funds to impact elections, and whether this ability will allow them to influence candidates for office with millions of dollars in advertisements opposing or supporting their races. More »




Koch Industries Not Only Fueling K St. Lobbying Boom And Anti-Obama Tea Party Protests, But Democrats Too

According to disclosures released earlier this month, oil and natural gas interests are pumping money into lobbying firms to influence climate change legislation at a furious pace. With $82.2 million spent in just the first half of 2009 — compared to $132.2 million in all of 2008 — the industry is on track to set new records.

Unfortunately, as large as this direct lobbying figure is, it represents probably a fraction of the total amount of money the oil and gas industry is pouring into the debate. Some of the money flows straight to candidates and to political action committees. Another huge, largely undisclosed portion goes to what is known as “outside lobbying” efforts — public relations and advertising firms which coordinate a pro-polluter propaganda campaign to influence public opinion. And finally much of the money goes to financing “think-tanks” to produce reports outside the realm of scientific consensus to legitimize skepticism of global warming.

The outside lobbying campaign the industry has embraced this year is the most corrosive because it is based upon deception — and increasingly, hate. Koch Industries, the oil and gas behemoth, bankrolls the astroturf groups Americans for Prosperity and FreedomWorks. These groups were instrumental in orchestrating the anti-Obama tea party protests, where thousands gathered to display racist signs directed at the President, absurd calls for an impeachment, and more recently, protesters hanging Democratic leaders in effigy. In addition to the anti-Obama protests, these groups provide a useful front for industries as they hire dozens of field staff to spread misinformation about clean energy and bus people around the country to create the guise of public distrust of global warming. Koch has funneled its money not only to these astroturf efforts, but has been a prolific leader in all the aforementioned strategies that industries pursue (Charles Koch even founded the Cato Institute, a leader of global warming skepticism and has spent nearly $4 million in lobbying this year alone).

Although Koch has traditionally given mostly to Republicans, E&E notes that it is giving increasingly to Democrats. In 2009, Koch gave about 28 percent of its contributions to Democrats, compared to about 15 percent last year:

Sen. Max Baucus (D-MT): $5,000 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-AR): $10,000 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Sen. Mark Pryor (D-AR): $2,000 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]

Rep. Marion Berry (D-AR): $2,500 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Dan Boren (D-OK): $3,000 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Allen Boyd (D-FL): $6,500 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Henry Cuellar (D-TX): $3,500 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Charles Gonzalez (D-TX): $4,500 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Gene Green (D-TX): $3,500 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Charlie Melancon (D-LA): $2,500 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Solomon Ortiz (D-TX): $1,000 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Collin Peterson (D-MN): $6,500 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Mike Ross (D-AR): $2,000 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. David Scott (D-GA): $1,000 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]
Rep. Henry Teague (D-NM): $1,000 [FEC, accessed 7/29/09]

In accepting dirty energy Koch money, these lawmakers are legitimizing the financiers of the anti-Obama tea party effort.




Dirty Energy Lobbyist-Turned-Governor Haley Barbour To Champion ‘Do Nothing’ Stance Before Senate »

Our guest bloggers are Daniel J. Weiss and Alexandra Kougentakis, a Senior Fellow and the Director of Climate Strategy and a Fellows Assistant at the Center For American Progress Action Fund.

barbourOn July 7, 2009, the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee will conduct a hearing to review proposals to build a clean energy economy and reduce global warming pollution. The first panel will feature cabinet officials, and the second panel includes business and environmental leaders, and a mayor. Perhaps the most prominent of all the witnesses will be Gov. Haley Barbour (R-MS).

Barbour is no run-of-the-mill state official. He just became head of the Republican Governors Association, replacing disgraced Gov. Mark Sanford (R-SC). Before he was elected in 2003, Barbour was one of was one of Washington’s most well-connected and powerful lobbyists, notorious for influence peddling for tobacco and big energy companies. He also served as Chairman of the Republican National Committee from 1993-1997.

Barbour has long been an advocate for big polluting companies, and has reaped political and financial benefits from these efforts. His record makes him an obvious choice to speak in opposition to clean energy policies:

BARBOUR AWASH IN BIG OIL, BIG ENERGY CASH

Barbour has long been at the intersection of special interest lobbying, elections, and campaign cash. He represents cash and carry politics at its worst.

• The oil & gas and utility industries were major contributor to his Mississippi gubernatorial campaigns, providing over $1.8 million in campaign cash. [National Institute on Money in State Politics, Accessed 7/2/09]

• According to the Center for Responsive Politics, coal companies and electric utilities lavished over half a million dollars on Barbour’s firm during his last two years as CEO and chairman, in 1998 and 1999. After taking time off to work on advisory committees for the presidential campaign of George B. Bush, Barbour returned to the firm in 2001. With the addition of new clients, including from the oil & gas industry, the firm made over a million dollars a year in dirty energy profits by the time he left again for his 2003 gubernatorial run, with $2.24 million in total for 2001-2002. [Center for Responsive Politics, accessed 7/2/09]

BARBOUR’S POLITICAL AND INDUSTRY TIES HAVE HAULED IN MILLIONS OF DOLLARS FOR THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

• Under his RNC leadership during the 1994 and 1996 election cycles, the oil and gas industry donated $30 million in contributions to Republicans, while providing only $12 million to Democrats – or nearly 3-1. Electric utilities donated nearly $10 million, and coal companies donated over $1.5 million, for a grand total of $42.0 million dollars. [Center for Responsive Politics, accessed 7/2/09, 7/2/09, 7/2/09]

• Barbour hosted a Southern Company party for lobbyists at the 2008 Republican National Convention. Southern was the top spending special interest that attempted to influence the debate over House the American Clean Energy and Security Act. With a force totaling 63 lobbyists, Southern was nearly twice as high as any other company. Its coal fired power plants emit 172 million tons of carbon dioxide annually. [Politico, 8/12/08; Center for Public Integrity, 7/1/09; IPS News, 11/16/07]

More »




House GOP Follows Banking Industry’s Lead: Consumer Protection Will Make Us ‘Yield Our Freedom’

Today, the House Financial Services committee held the first in a series of hearings regarding financial regulatory reform and restructuring. Today’s topic was the new consumer protection agency that the Obama administration has proposed. During the hearing, House Republicans were adamant about their belief that the agency is intended to make us “yield our freedom” to “philosopher kings” who will dictate what consumers can and cannot buy, while forcing banks to lend to poor people. Some examples:

Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-TX): An unelected bureaucrat will now decide for us what mortgages we can have. They will decide what bank accounts we can open. They may even decide whether or not we can be trusted with a credit card.

Rep. Scott Garrett (R-NJ): I don’t believe that creating more government agencies, perhaps those even with an Orwellian, heavy handed, government bureaucrat knows best mentality…is an appropriate solution.

Watch a compilation:

Incidentally, this is exactly how the mortgage and banking industries want the new agency to be characterized. When the administration’s plan was first released, the American Bankers Association (ABA) immediately claimed that it “needlessly rips apart all the existing regulatory agencies, eliminates charter choices and creates a new agency with powers to mandate loans and services that go well beyond consumer protection.” And today, ABA President and CEO Edward Yingling was on Capitol Hill, singing the same song:

[The agency] imposes government designed one-size-fits-all products – so-called plain vanilla products – over services that are designed for an increasingly diverse customer base…ABA believes the answer is not to have the government design products, mandate that they be offered, and give them an advantage over private sector products.

As it was put at Oxdown Gazette, “I hope all of you will provide examples of the way all that lovely financial innovation has helped you. Extra points for the people who were helped by credit default swaps.”

The new agency is actually meant to ensure that financial disclosure forms are clear and fair, that there are no gaps in the regulatory framework when it comes to existing consumer protections, and most importantly, to have an agency that is solely focused on consumer protection, instead of making it something that a bunch of agencies devote some of their time to. With their stance, House Republicans are endorsing the view of the banking and mortgage lobbyists, who want to maintain the same haphazard, almost non-existent regulation that led us down the subprime road the first time.

Update Ellen Harnick, a senior policy counsel for the Center for Responsible Lending, writes:
Some lenders have misused the banner phrase “free market” over the last 10 years to press for what in many ways has been a lawless market, with no commonsense effort to restrain excess, recklessness and in too many cases downright deception...This loosening of oversight did not promote competition but instead unleashed a race to the lowest standards possible, making it impossible for responsible lenders to compete.



As Financial Industry Gears Up, Report Shows Lobbying Led To Shoddier Loan Standards And More Losses

kstreet-770628There are an array of reports today outlining the steps that the banking and financial services industries are taking to gum up various aspects of the plan to beef up Wall Street regulation.

There’s a new industry group — the Financial Instruments Reporting and Convergence Alliance (FIRCA) — fighting an accounting rule change meant “to end a practice that contributed to the risky lending that set off the financial crisis.” Hedge funds, organized into the Managed Funds Association, are mobilizing “money and power to fend off tougher oversight, higher taxes and much greater transparency.”

And of course, banks are continuing to raise a stink about the Obama administration’s plan to create a new consumer protection agency. All of which makes this report from the Research Department at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) (via The Stash) extremely timely.

The paper shows that the financial firms that did the most lobbying from 1998 to 2006 also had lower lending standards, a greater tendency to securitize, a larger presence in areas that are suffering the most from loan delinquencies, and ultimately lost the most money during the financial implosion. The researchers concluded that financial sector lobbying of this sort poses a threat to economic stability and increases systemic risk:

[The results] tend to support a theory of “moral hazard” whereby financial intermediaries lobby to obtain private benefits, making loans under less stringent terms not because they have better capacity to evaluate risks associated with the loans, but because they expect short term gains from these loans during the boom phase, and to be bailed out when losses amount during a financial crisis. These results…provide indirect evidence that lobbying might have the potential to threaten financial stability and contribute to systemic risk.

hedge-fund-graphIn those same years, financial firms increased their lobbying by 25 percent, while the average increase in other industries was 10 percent. Meanwhile, in the last two years, hedge funds have quadrupled the amount that they spend on lobbying (see graph at right).

So the moral of the story is that financial firms lobby to make the rules fit the tactics that they want to use, and lawmakers respond accordingly, instead of creating a system that forces firms to use more due diligence and employ more caution. This is worth knowing, since the Obama administration’s financial regulation plan likely won’t start moving until the fall, giving the financial industry lots of time to work its magic.




Financial Services Industry Thrilled It Has ‘Lots Of Time’ To Influence Regulation Reform Bill

takeanumberEven before the administration officially released its plan for regulatory reform today, the legislation wasn’t given much of a chance of passing this year. The thinking is that, with health care and climate change bills currently in markup, there just isn’t time to devote to financial regulation. The Senate will reportedly not even touch the topic until after August recess (though the House may move on it in July).

I get that there is a lot going on in Congress. Still, I worry that the delay not only kills any momentum for changing the system, but also gives the banking and financial services industries ample time to throw their money and influence around. Consider this reaction to the plan from the institutional brokerage firm Concept Capital (via Economix):

In our view, this plan is as negative for financial firms as the industry feared. Still, this is not the end of the game for financial firms. This proposal will change radically as it slowly moves through Congress. We expect a flood of negative headlines in the coming weeks and months, especially as we expect the House Financial Services Committee to begin voting on legislation in July. Yet the congressional agenda is packed and key Senate leaders are distracted. So we see little Senate movement in 2009. That gives the industry lots of time to try to modify the final bill.

As Ezra Klein put it, a delay provides a window “in which the broader public can lose interest in financial regulation and the financial industry can ramp up its lobbying effort in the Congress. It also puts us a lot closer to an election, which will make that lobbying effort all the more effective.” And here’s Concept Capital, admitting what a great opportunity the delay is!

Look at the example provided by the failure to pass cram-down legislation. There was pretty widespread agreement that something needed to be done to address the housing market, and a bill that would have allowed bankruptcy judges to cram-down mortgage payments for troubled homeowners eventually made its way through the House. Then it sat in the Senate, the banking and mortgage industries picked it apart, and it ultimately failed.

Peter Solomon, an investment banker and counselor to the U.S. Treasury in the Carter administration, said that the administration’s plan may already have been scaled back “because lawmakers and the public perceive the financial crisis has abated.” An administration official, meanwhile, told reporters that “the president wants to see a bill he can sign this year.” “We can’t afford to wait. We can’t afford to let our financial system continue to operate under a regulatory system that is inadequate,” the official said. I hope the administration can hand at least some of that sense of urgency over to Congress.




Chamber Of Commerce Joins Bank Lobby To Oppose Consumer Protection Agency

commerceiiToday, the Obama administration is rolling out its plan for reforming financial regulation, and a key facet of the plan is the creation of a consumer protection agency (which will be officially named the Consumer Financial Protection Agency). The agency will be charged with overseeing how financial products like mortgages and credit cards are marketed to consumers.

Yesterday, the banking lobby voiced its displeasure with the idea of a new agency, and advocated simply relying on the same regulators that let the house burn down in the first place. And according to National Journal, the bankers have found an ally in the Chamber of Commerce:

Firing a warning shot ahead of the Obama administration’s proposal for overhauling the nation’s financial regulatory system, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce today warned it will vigorously oppose creation of a stand-alone consumer safety commission for financial products. Creating such a regulatory authority “is not a silver bullet for enhanced consumer protection,” said David Hirschmann, president of the Chamber’s Center for Capital Markets Competitiveness. “In fact, it may be a lead balloon.”

Last week, the Chamber rolled out a $100 million campaign to “defend and advance economic freedom.” The Chamber’s press office wouldn’t talk to me because it’s “not entertaining calls from bloggers at this time,” but I’d sure like to know if any of that $100 million is going towards lobbying against this new agency.

Anyway, if it’s designed correctly, a consumer protection agency could be a very good thing. Part of the leadup to this crisis was no one adequately policing mortgages on the ground level. Thus, lots of lousy loans were handed out and then sold to Wall Street, which securitized them and came back for more, fueling more bad lending.

As Matt Yglesias points out, it’s unclear how much of this was fraudulent lending, but in light of stories like that involving Wells Fargo — which is accused of intentionally steering minorities who qualified for prime loans into subprime — I’m sure the agency will have some things to look at. It’s also encouraging that the agency’s rules “wouldn’t pre-empt state laws, which mean states could push for tougher policies banning certain lending practices.”

That said, the agency will only be effective if it’s on par with the banking regulators and can keep up with financial innovation. It can’t be second tier, without enough resources or stature to do its job effectively. The administration’s plan calls for “stable, robust funding,” and giving the agency “sole rule making authority” in terms of consumer protection. We’ll see if Congress decides to grant those requests.




Banking Lobby Takes Aim At Proposed Consumer Protection Agency

mortgageappTomorrow, as part of its plan to overhaul the nation’s financial regulation system, the Obama administration plans to announce the creation of a new consumer protection agency. According to CNN Money, “its mission will be to protect consumers from deceptive or dangerous mortgages, credit cards and other financial products.”

Already, the banking lobby — which has been quietly moving against multiple facets of the Obama regulation plan — is voicing its displeasure with the proposal:

“It’s bad for the consumers,” said Steve Bartlett, president of the Financial Services Roundtable, a lobbying group for banks. Financial industry advocates object to the idea of carving out the enforcement of consumer protection from the mandates of existing regulatory agencies that oversee companies. They argue that consumer protection is intertwined with ensuring that a financial firm is on stable footing. “Give the power for consumer protection to the agencies that have real power,” Bartlett said.

But the current economic mess has revealed that the “agencies that have real power” actually don’t have any power, particularly when it comes to consumer protection. They are simply too far removed from the action to get an adequate sense of how financial products are being marketed to consumers on the ground level. They are looking out for the safety of institutions, not the well being of an individual consumer getting suckered into a bad mortgage or credit card deal.

As Professor Elizabeth Warren — a staunch advocate of a consumer protection council — told The Wonk Room, “all these lousy mortgages got sold, one family at a time…If we had had just basic safety standards in place from the beginning, then we never would have fed these into the front end of the financial system.” And that’s the point of the new council — to watch the origination of these products. Various states tried to regulate mortgages at the ground level back in 2002 and 2003, and were effectively stopped by the Bush administration’s regulators. How many toxic assets would have never found their way into the system if those efforts had been allowed to proceed?

One financial services lobbyist who spoke to Reuters predicted that the consumer protection agency will be stripped out of the final regulation package. If that happens, it will be to the detriment of consumers and to the advantage of the banks that are throwing their weight around Capitol Hill.




How Many Times Will Sen. Kyl Side With The Banking Lobby?

ap070419025609During the (ultimately failed) effort to pass cram-down legislation through the Senate in April, Republicans were pressuring bailed-out banks to not compromise on the bill. Today, in a disturbingly thorough rehashing of just how much power the banks wielded during that debate, the New York Times provides the identity of one of these senators:

Senator Jon Kyl, the Arizona Republican leading the charge against the bankruptcy change, told bankers there would be consequences if they dealt with the Democrats. According to an April 20 e-mail message between industry officials in touch with Mr. Kyl, he told them “not to make a deal with Durbin and then come looking to Republicans when they need help on something like regulatory restructuring.”

In an interview, Mr. Kyl, the Senate’s No. 2 Republican, did not recall whether he had made the statement, although he remembered telling bankers that he could not defend them if they did not first defend themselves. “I very pointedly said, ‘Don’t make a deal with Durbin on this. You don’t need to. If he has the votes he wouldn’t be dealing,’ ” Mr. Kyl recalled.

As I noted at the time, Kyl was taking a stand against cram-down — a bill aimed at helping troubled homeowners — just as Arizona’s foreclosure rate was spiking. This New York Times report shows that not only was Kyl pushing the banks on cram-down, but he was doubling down and promising to support them on regulatory reform, which is one of the next issues that the Obama administration plans to tackle, much to the banks’ chagrin.

Kyl followed up his performance on cram-down by being one of just five senators to vote against the Credit Cardholders’ Bill of Rights, another bill of which the banks weren’t very fond. In the last five years, Kyl has received more than $1 million from the banking industry and securities firms.

Rep. Colin Peterson (D-MN) said this week, “I will tell you what the problem is — [the banks] give three times more money than the next biggest group. It’s huge the amount of money they put into politics.” And in the first three months of this year, just four of the banking industry’s top trade groups spent nearly as much on lobbying “as they did in all of 2001.”

Update Noam Scheiber has more.



92 Percent Of Corporate Tax Break Meant For Domestic Investment Went To Pay Dividends, Buy Shares

moneystackBack in April, researchers at the University of Kansas released a report showing that for every dollar corporations spent lobbying for a particular income tax break in 2004, they saved $220 in taxes. The goal of providing the tax break — as expressed by the corporation’s lobbyists — was that the money saved would be invested in domestic productions. Congress believed that this is where the money would go, and thus the tax break — which allowed corporations to repatriate overseas earnings at far below the normal tax rate — was granted.

Well, analysts at the National Bureau of Economic Research took a look at what the corporations actually did with the money and it turns out that domestic investment was not high on the list:

Now the most detailed analysis of what actually happened — using confidential government data as well as corporate reports — has estimated what happened to the $299 billion companies brought back from foreign subsidiaries. About 92 percent of it went to shareholders, mostly in the form of increased share buybacks and the rest through increased dividends. There is no evidence that companies that took advantage of the tax break…used the money as Congress expected.

Incidentally, the law “specifically said the money could not be used to raise dividends or to repurchase shares.”

Kristin J. Forbes, an economics professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and one of the authors of the study, said that “the restrictions on how the money will be spent seem to have been completely ineffective“:

“Dell was a great example,” she added, referring to Dell Computer. “They lobbied very hard for the tax holiday. They said part of the money would be brought back to build a new plant in Winston-Salem, N.C. They did bring back $4 billion, and spent $100 million on the plant, which they admitted would have been built anyway. About two months after that, they used $2 billion for a share buyback.”

The researchers do “say their findings did not indicate that any companies violated the law barring use of the money for share repurchases and dividends.” Even if that’s the case, this is one more example of corporation’s gaming the tax system and using their huge presence in Washington to unduly influence tax policy. These numbers should be brought up again and again as the debate over the Obama administration’s corporate tax reforms proceeds.




Financial Firms Spent $27.6 Million Lobbying For Mark To Market Rule Change

ap070302023489Back in April, the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB) changed the mark to market accounting rule, which gave banks more leeway in assessing the value of securities that they hold on their books. As Floyd Norris reported at the time, “the change seems likely to allow banks to report higher profits by assuming that the securities are worth more than anyone is now willing to pay for them.”

Today, the Wall Street Journal revealed just how much the banks were willing to pay to bring the change about:

Marshalling a multimillion-dollar lobbying campaign, these firms persuaded key members of Congress to pressure the accounting industry to change the rule in April. The payoff is likely to be fatter bottom lines in the second quarter. [...]

Earlier this year, financial-services organizations put their lobbyists on the case. Thirty-one financial firms and trade groups formed a coalition and spent $27.6 million in the first quarter lobbying Washington about the rule and other issues, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis of public filings. They also directed campaign contributions totaling $286,000 to legislators on a key committee, many of whom pushed for the rule change, the filings indicate.

As Andrew Leonard put it, this “is as well documented a case of big-bucks lobbyists succeeding in getting the rules changed in favor of their clients as you will ever see.”

At the time, FASB was widely criticized for caving to political pressure by deciding to make the change. And in fact, according to the Journal’s report, following the change, “three [FASB] members threatened to resign in protest, concerned that FASB had jeopardized its credibility.”




Whitehouse: Senate Is Corrupted By Carbon Pollution Cash »

Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI), in a Senate hearing on the EPA budget this morning, decried the extraordinary amount of spending by corporate global warming polluters to lobby Congress. Reading from a report on new lobbying disclosures, Whitehouse noted that carbon polluters such as electric utilities and oil and gas companies have spent nearly $80 million on lobbying just in the first quarter of 2009. Whitehouse concludes:

So if we wonder why the Senate is the last place in America that still doesn’t get it – that climate change is a real problem for people and that carbon pollution is something that people should pay for when they emit it, big utilities, big industry — gee, connect the dots.

Watch it:

“For as long as there’s been pollution,” Sen. Whitehouse explained, “there has been a constant battle with polluters who don’t want to pay the costs of their pollution, either preventing or cleaning it up”:

They’d like to just dump it and have it be somebody else’s problem. There’s absolutely nothing new about that. Polluters don’t want to pay. What’s new is our understanding of what the costs are of carbon pollution. Economic costs, environmental costs, wildlife and habitat costs, and as we’ve recently learned, very significant national security costs.

The E&E News story Whitehouse entered in the Congressional Record explains how pollution lobbyists are vastly outspending environmental groups and clean energy companies: More »




Banking Lobby Successfully Defeats Mortgage Cram-Down Provision

Today, a proposal to change bankruptcy law and allow bankruptcy judges to cram-down mortgage payments for troubled homeowners failed in the Senate by a vote of 45-51. The provision, which was introduced as an amendment by Sen. Dick Durbin (D-IL), required 60 votes to pass. In recent weeks, support for the measure evaporated in the face of furious lobbying by the banking and mortgage industries. Prior to the vote, Durbin — who this week said that bankers “are still the most powerful lobby on Capitol Hill” — took to the floor to decry the banking industry’s influence in the cram-down debate:

At some point the senators in this chamber will decide the bankers shouldn’t write the agenda for the United States Senate. At some point the people in this chamber will decide the people we represent are not the folks working in the big banks, but the folks struggling to make a living and struggling to keep a decent home.

Watch it:

The American News Project noted that the Mortgage Bankers Association was “in a celebratory mood” at its annual meeting this week, because “a massive lobbying campaign” against cram-down appeared to be working.

Update The House passed the Credit Cardholders' Bill of Rights today, 357-70.



Will Bailed Out Banks Prevent Credit Card Reform From Passing?

cardsii.jpgToday, President Barack Obama is meeting with executives from the credit card industry, in order to advocate “more legal protection for the millions of Americans who use credit cards.” As CBS reported, “the credit card issuers include the same big banks – Bank of America, Citicorp and JPMorgan Chase – that have gotten billions in bailout money meant to stimulate consumer lending.” Other participants reportedly include representatives from Capital One, Visa, and Mastercard.

This comes one day after the House Financial Services Committee approved legislation aimed at curbing abusive practices employed by credit card issuers:

The House measure would restrict card companies’ ability to raise rates on existing customers and ban certain controversial practices, such as applying payments to the portion of a borrower’s balance with the lowest interest rate. It would also bar issuers from charging interest on parts of the balance that were already paid on time, a practice known as double-cycle billing.

The committee vote was 48-19, with 9 Republicans joining all voting Democrats in supporting the measure. 19 Republicans voted against it. The bill (HR 627) will now move to the House floor, where it is expected to pass.

However, according to the New York Times, the proposal is “in jeopardy because of lobbying by banks and their trade groups, particularly in the Senate.” “Having won some early skirmishes by teaming with Republican allies, the banks now appear to have the upper hand and may wind up killing — or at least substantially diluting” the measure, the Times noted.

As Chris at Americablog wrote, “there’s no question more consumers could have been smarter about how they deal with easy credit, but the same could also be said about Wall Street, yet they received a fat bailout.” And as TARP watchdog Elizabeth Warren pointed out, bailed out banks hiking rates and fees amounts to “asking taxpayers to pay twice.”

Indeed, there’s plenty of blame to go around when it comes to the amount of debt Americans are carrying, but that doesn’t mean that curbing abuse is any less important. In fact, the Federal Reserve was planning to implement many of these reforms anyway, and one of the reasons that industry is so concerned by the House’s bill is that “it believes a law would be harder to overturn than a [Federal Reserve] regulation.” So if given the chance, will the Senate vote to protect consumers, or will it bend to the will of bailed out banks?

Update Robert Reich has more on "the great credit card battle to come."



GM To Close ‘Most’ U.S. Factories For Nine Weeks, After Spending $1 Million Per Month Lobbying This Year

ap060418028472.jpgMSNBC is reporting that General Motors (GM) plans to close “most” of its U.S. factories for up to nine weeks this summer, due to its swiftly growing collection of financial problems:

Two people briefed on the plan say General Motors Corp. will close most of its U.S. factories for up to nine weeks this summer because of slumping sales and growing inventories of unsold vehicles. The people did not know exactly when the shutdowns would occur, but both say they will include the normal two-week closure in July to change from one model year to the next.

But just yesterday, the Associated Press reported that GM spent $2.8 million lobbying Congressnearly $1 million per month — in the first quarter of 2009, which is actually 15 percent less than it spent on lobbying in the final quarter of 2008. GM also said this week that “it is completing the layoff of 3,400 white-collar workers in the U.S.”

“We’re a part of what is arguably one of the most regulated industries and provide a voice in complex policy discussions. We meet strict reporting requirements and our spending is reflective of the breadth of issues that affect our business,” said GM spokesman Greg Martin. But it’s worth asking: How many days could GM keep some factories open with that money? How many workers could have earned just a little bit more in wages if that lobbying hadn’t occurred?




Dick Armey’s Clients Required The Bailouts That Armey’s FreedomWorks Is Now Protesting

ap01041002537.jpgAs ThinkProgress has been documenting, the anti-Obama “tea parties” going on today are not the “grassroots” effort that organizers claim, but are actually the work of corporate lobbyists, aided and abetted by Fox News. Lee Fang pointed out that one of those lobbyists — former Majority Leader and current FreedomWorks chairman Dick Armey (R-TX) — is one of DC’s top “hired guns,” and FreedomWorks is one of those orchestrating the “grassroots” tea party movement.

With the tea parties, FreedomWorks is organizing protests against “a federal government run amok with economic bailouts.” However, Armey’s lobbying firm represented three of the financial behemoths that brought the economy to its knees, necessitating such a widespread government response in the first place. In just the last year, Armey’s firm, DLA Piper, has represented:

- American International Group (AIG)

- Lehman Brothers

- Merrill Lynch

The reasons for the lobbying listed on these institutions’ disclosure forms range from “Congressional hearings on financial services crisis” and tax issues to simply “policies affecting securities firms.” DLA Piper also represented TARP recipient Discover Financial Services.

Let’s look at these institutions for a moment. AIG attached a hedge fund to its insurance company, and wound up with $40 billion in credit default swaps that it couldn’t honor. It then paid out $165 million in bonuses, after being kept alive with $170 billion in taxpayer money.

Merrill Lynch incurred catastrophic losses on subprime mortgages, and was rescued by Bank of America, which needed an infusion of taxpayer money upon realizing the extent of Merrill’s losses. Merrill also paid out $3.6 million in bonuses right before merging with BofA. Lehman, meanwhile, went bankrupt after mucking about in subprime mortgages, sending a shock through the financial system, and ensuring that the government would not allow another big investment bank to fail.

These are the kinds of characters that Armey’s firm represents, and its a safe bet that DLA Piper wasn’t enlisted to push for tougher regulations or more stringent capital requirements. And now Armey is helping to orchestrate “protests” against the very actions taken to bring the economy back from the brink to which these financial institutions helped push it.




Pollution Industry Dominates Climate Change Lobbying

The Center for Public Integrity has found that “more than 770 companies and interest groups hired an estimated 2,340 lobbyists to influence federal policy on climate change in the past year,” estimating total expenditures of $90 million. Their comprehensive investigation of climate lobbying discovered that nearly 2,000 of the lobbyists represent corporate interests.

Climate Change Lobbyists

CPI found that the top climate lobbying shop was the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE), a coal-industry front group that spent $10.5 million lobbying Congress:

No group exemplifies the sophistication of the current debate more than the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity — a new lobbying organization unveiled just weeks before the vote last June on the Warner-Lieberman bill. Representing 48 mining firms, coal-hauling railroads and coal-burning power companies, ACCCE spent $10.5 million lobbying Capitol Hill on climate in 2008 — more than any other organization solely dedicated to the issue. In addition to the group’s president, Steven Miller, a one-time aide to former Democratic Kentucky Gov. Brereton Jones, and vice president Joe Lucas, who was an aide to former Energy Secretary Hazel O’Leary, ACCCE has at least 15 outside lobbyists, including former White House Counsel Quinn. The big effort is not surprising, since electricity is the largest single source of U.S. greenhouse gas emissions, and the most carbon-intensive fuel, coal, provides half the nation’s power. But ACCCE’s position is that it supports a mandatory federal program to curb the emissions its own members produce — as long as the policy meets ACCCE’s set of principles for keeping electricity affordable, domestically produced, and reliable. And that means encouraging, in ACCCE’s words, “robust utilization of coal.”

Check out the “The Climate Change Lobby” site, including a searchable database of lobbyists and a sampling of top players.




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