Several reports are describing Sen. Maria Cantwell’s (D-WA) ‘Basic Health Plan’ amendment — which would give states the option to provide health care coverage to people with incomes between 133% and 200% of the federal poverty line (about 75% of the uninsured) — as a “quasi public option.”
States would use their purchasing power to negotiate for more affordable coverage options, improve efficiencies, and even lower the health care costs within the Exchange (by shifting lower income and disproportionately sicker individuals into the Basic Health Plan), but they would have to contract with private insurers. And there ain’t nothing public about private insurers. From the amendment:
Under this amendment, the federal government would provide funds to participating states in order to allow such states to provide affordable health care coverage through private health care systems under contract….State administrations would seek to contract with managed care systems, or with systems that offer as many of the attributes of manged care as are feasible in the local care market. A minimum medical loss ratio of 85 percent would be required of all participating plans….State administrators should seek participation by multiple health plans to allow enrollees a choice between two or more plans, whenever possible. A participating health care system can be a licensed health maintenance organization, a licensed health insurer, or a network of health care providers established to offer basic Health Plan Services.
In other words, the federal government would provide states with funds to establish Basic Health Plans for lower income Americans that would be completely run by private insurers. As Ezra Klein explains, and Cantwell freely admits during their interview, the proposal is “entirely orthogonal to the public option debate. It doesn’t create competition or transparency or experimentation.”
And remember, states have to chose to do this, and if they do, they could only offer negotiated rates to a small relatively small group of people. At the end of the day, this plan, like any state-based proposal, would lack the market clout to lower overall health care spending across the board, reform health care delivery, or hold private health insurers accountable.
Today, the Senate Finance Committee began addressing a series of amendments to Sen. Max Baucus’ (D-MT) health care plan that will dramatically affect the benefits that legal immigrants will be able to receive. The amendments cover a range of issues: verification requirements, cross-agency information sharing, waiting periods for tax credits, and eligibility restrictions. The mostly-Republican sponsored amendments seek to limit the coverage of legal immigrants while creating even more verification obstacles for immigrants and US citizens alike:
| Amendment | Type | Provision | Offset | Status |
| Schumer C11 | Verification | Proof of citizenship could be authenticated by a future biometric verification system that is mandatory for employment. | Biometric technology is costly, controversial and prone to errors. | Pending |
| Grassley C8 | Verification | Requires applicant to present a government-issued photo ID at the time of application for Medicaid or CHIP benefits. | Creates a significant barrier to coverage and undermines the simple, mail-in and online application processes. | Failed: 10-13 |
| Kyl C12 & C14, Grassley F6, Ensign C1 | Waiting Periods | Reinstates five year waiting period for legal immigrants for tax credits. | Legal immigrants would be required to have health insurance but are barred from accessing federal health programs which they help fund. | Pending |
| Ensign C2 | Eligibility | Requires applicants for health insurance tax credits to supply a valid SSN of spouse and qualifying child in the individual’s tax filing unit even if spouse/child is not applying for a tax credit. | Would discriminate against citizens and legal immigrants by denying them health insurance tax credits solely because other members of their households do not have SSNs. | Pending | Ensign C3 | Eligibility | Establishes a penalty for sponsored legal immigrants who fail to obtain health coverage. | If an immigrant cannot obtain coverage, the sponsor would be required to pay either the penalty or the tax credit provided to the sponsored immigrant, whichever is greater. | Pending |
| Kyl C15 | Information Sharing | Requires real time information sharing by SSA, IRS and DHS for tax credit application | In direct conflict with health privacy protections and basic confidentiality protections in tax code. | Failed: 10-12-1 |
When it comes to verification provisions, the Baucus bill already already requires all applicants’ name, social security number, and date of birth to be verified with Social Security Administration (SSA) data. The information of immigrants is checked against DHS data to verify they are lawfully present in the US. Piling on more verification requirements doesn’t just over-complicate the application process for immigrants, it hurts US citizens. Grassley’s amendment would’ve required Medicaid applicants — the poorest US residents — to put originals of documents such as a driver’s licenses in the mail or take precious time off work to visit the Medicaid office in-person. Meanwhile, Schumer may be trying to seem tough on enforcement in anticipation of a looming immigration reform battle which he plans on leading, but his health care amendment is off-the-mark. Besides the fact that it’s going to take a whole lot of time and taxpayer money to develop a national biometric verification system, the system would be built on E-Verify, a flawed web-based verification system that currently has a 4% error rate and could accidentally block millions of eligible citizens.
As it currently stands, the Chairman’s Mark would allow legal immigrants to qualify for health insurance tax credits without a waiting period. The proposed “waiting period” amendments, however, put legal immigrants who have been in the US for less than five years in a position in which they are paying taxes and funding a program that they don’t even have access to. They would still be required to purchase insurance (and face a steep fine if they don’t), but wouldn’t receive any government assistance to do so. Their lack of participation would meanwhile limit the pool of participants and increase the cost of health care for everyone.
Ensign C2 & C3 would impose onerous requirements that many immigrant families will be unable to meet. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and the U. S. Department of Agriculture has found that requirements similar to those in Ensign C2 imposed by states would violate Civil Rights laws. It’s certainly unfair to require legal immigrants to purchase insurance and then fine them if a family member can not provide a SSN or if they are sponsoring an immigrant who can not afford insurance.
The Senate Finance Committee had good reason to vote down Kyl C15 and keep the DHS, IRS, and SSA operating independently of one another. Tax collection and immigration enforcement efforts are conducted separately “in order to make sure that everyone who earns income within our borders pays the proper amount of taxes,” regardless of their immigration status. Sen. Jeff Bingaman (D-NM) called Grassley C8 “a solution looking for a problem” before it was defeated this afternoon. The same could be said for most of the amendments proposed to further limit the few benefits that legal immigrants in the US might be able to receive.
On September 16, Sen. Jay Rockefeller (D-WV) announced that he would not vote for the Senate Finance Committee’s health care bill unless the committee replaced the network of cooperatives with a robust public option, increased the threshold on the excise tax, restored the CHIP program (the reform bill folded it into the Exchange), improved affordability measures, and regulated self-insured plans.
This last demand may be the least understood and most complicated aspect of health care reform. The Senate Finance Committee’s legislation does not require large employers that self insure to abide by the same rules and regulations as insurers operating in the Exchange or the individual health insurance markets. As Rockefeller explained during mark-up, “you are grandfathering in an unfairness in the insurance market, where you treat 50 percent of the American people in one way…and 46 percent in a very favored way without restrictions, without discipline.” “Most people don’t know that they are treated so differently. Most people don’t know that they have these restrictions on them,” Rockefeller said. Watch it:
Self-insured plans — which are regulated by a law called ERISA — do not have to accept Americans with pre-existing conditions, or remove caps on out-of-pocket or lifetime expenses. “As many as 73 million people, or 55% of those who get insurance through private-sector jobs, are covered in self-insured plans, according to the non-partisan Employee Benefit Research Institute. Workers are often not aware their plans are self-insured because employers hire insurance companies to process claims.”
Congress enacted ERISA in 1974 to allow companies operating across state lines to offer uniform benefit packages. The law establishes minimum standards for pensions, but allows self-insured companies to elude both state and federal regulations.
The initial draft of ERISA exempt employee benefit plans for health and pension from state laws, but subject self-insured companies to existing state regulations. Large corporations would have to abide by the consumer protections of the various states, or so it seemed. Before the final floor vote, Congress folded to big-business demands and inserted the so-called “deemer” clause, barring “self-funded plans from being considered insured plans subject to state insurance regulations.” Suddenly, self-insured companies were exempt from federal and state regulations. The fix was in.
Rockefeller has offered an amendment (C1) to apply health insurance market reforms to the large group and self-insured market. Large corporations are already lining up in opposition.
On Friday, the US Chamber of Commerce chief lobbyist Bruce Josten “sent out a memo this afternoon listing three ‘dangerous amendments’ the business community should weigh in on before the committee gets back to work on Tuesday.” Rockefeller C1 is the most dangerous:
This amendment will significantly and adversely impact larger employers and self-insured plans and the millions of Americans who count on their employer provided health coverage. The federal uniformity standard under ERISA (also known as the “preemption” standard) is critical to our health care system, especially the 170 million Americans receiving coverage from the employer-based system. Its hallmark feature is that it allows employers to offer uniform benefits to their employees, retirees and families without being subject to the conflicting patchwork of mandates, restrictions and costly rules that vary from state to state….This amendment would jeopardize employers’ ability to offer uniform national plans without interference by contradicting state rules. Benefits costs could soar.
But Rockefeller’s amendment would presumably subject self-insured plans to the new federal regulations, permitting large corporations to continue offering uniform plan. The Committee is expected to consider Rockefeller’s amendment this week.
On Thursday, Sen. Jay Rockefeller (D-WV) speculated that “if there’s anything which is clear, it’s that the insurance industry is not running this markup, but it is running certain people in this markup.” Indeed, in the last two and a half years, the health insurance industry has spent at least $585,725,712 lobbying Congress to protect its investments in Medicare advantage, defeat competition from a public option (or even a cooperative), and preserve policies that allow it to attract a disproportionate number of healthy applicants.
An analysis conducted by the Center for American Progress Action Fund of all 534 amendments has identified at least 48 amendments that directly reflect the industry’s wish list. And while the information below does not demonstrate a direct quid-pro-quo between an insurers’ contribution and a senator’s amendment, it raises an important question: Why are some senators so intent on protecting an industry that is partly responsible for creating the current health care crisis?
Watch a video compilation of senators arguing on behalf of the industry:
Industry ask: “We have strong concerns about the proposed funding cuts in Medicare Advantage.” [AHIP Letter, 9/21/2009]
Industry gets: At least 14 amendments that protect the 14% subsidy private plans receive for participating in the program.
| Amendment | Provision |
| Kyl D1 | Strike Title III. Title III includes the cuts in Medicare Advantage payments via new competitive bidding rules for Medicare Advantage plans. |
| Roberts D9 | Amend Title III to strike all provisions that reduce or have the effect of reducing financing for Medicare. |
| Kyl-Crapo D6 | Kyl-Crapo D6—The amendment would strike the MA payment cuts under subtitle C of Title III |
Insurers ask: “We have strong concerns about the proposal for new, untested government-created health insurance cooperatives.” [AHIP Letter, 9/21/2009]
Insurers get: At least 9 amendments eliminating the mark’s network of cooperatives.
| Amendment | Provision |
| Kyl C1 | Eliminate the Consumer Operated and Oriented Plan (CO-OP) Program. |
| Hatch C7 | Strikes the Federal Government-funded Health Care Cooperative under Title I, Subtitle E and direct savings to reduce the deficit. |
| Cornyn C18 | Before the CO-OPs can operate or receive federal funding, the state must have implemented all the insurance reforms required by America‘s Healthy Future Act. |
Industry asks: “We are concerned that the new national benefit standards – taking into account both the actuarial value requirements and provisions that provide unlimited access to any and all services – would impose higher costs.” [AHIP letter, 9/21/2009]
Industry gets: At least 4 amendments loosening benefits standards.
| Amendment | Provision |
| Enzi C1 | The amendment lowers the actuarial value of the bronze plan to 60 percent and maintains the out-of-pocket limit specified in the Chairman‘s mark. |
| Kyl C11 | Prohibits the federal government from limiting consumer choice by setting actuarial values of health insurance plans. |
| Cornyn C10 | Gives states the authority to allow individual and small group health insurance plans that do not meet the actuarial standards described in Subtitle C, if the state determines this would result in more affordable coverage options for their residents. |
Industry asks: “Without system-wide cost containment provisions, the proposed new taxes on high cost plans and the proposed new taxes on key components of health expenditures would cause many Americans to spend more on coverage….We are concerned that these provisions will increase costs.” [AHIP letter, 9/21/2009]
Industry gets: At least 8 amendments loosening benefits standards.
| Amendment | Provision |
| Grassley F1 | This amendment would strike the fee on health insurance providers contained in the Chairman’s Mark. |
| Kyl F1 | Eliminate all industry fees. Offset by reducing value of the affordability subsidy.. |
| Cornyn F3 | Cornyn F3 – Strike insurance industry fee. |
Download a complete copy of the report HERE.

First, although the mark appears to require the new exchanges to verify Social Security Numbers [SSNs] and citizenship or legal status, it does not include blocking of Social Security numbers, REAL IDs, verification of address and prior year income, or any other mechanism that verifies identity to prevent identity theft.
Second, it appears to contain privacy protections limiting the use of data collected by exchanges, but it does not allow information sharing with the Internal Revenue Service [IRS] and the Social Security Administration [SSA] to detect and preclude the multiple uses of same Social Security Numbers.
And finally, I would also note that that the designation of Indian tribes as “Express Lane Agency” would allow them to enroll anyone under the age of 22 in Medicaid and CHIP and anyone of any age in an exchange without verification of citizenship. And we have discussed so often in this committee, in the past, the role of Indian tribes in verifying citizenship has been questionable.
Watch it:
Grassley’s first point of criticism is a transparent attempt to derail the health care debate by pivoting to a contentious discussion on the use of REAL ID-compliant licenses and identifications cards. Full compliance with the REAL ID Act is not required until 2017 and most states aren’t anywhere near meeting the deadline. At least 15 states have passed legislation blocking the implementation of REAL ID, others have passed resolutions denouncing it, and there’s currently pending legislation in both the House and Senate that would repeal the REAL ID Act’s driver’s license and identification card provisions. Ultimately, a REAL ID provision would affect US citizens more than immigrants as every single American would be required to obtain a compliant form of national identification and pay for the infrastructure necessary to implement an expensive national ID system.
Grassley isn’t alone in his call for the sharing of information between the SSA and IRS as expressed by his second comment. Sen. Jon Kyl (R-AZ) has put together an amendment that would require open-ended “real-time information sharing” between the two agencies and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Yet, there are good reasons why the three agencies operate, for the most part, independently of one another. The Tax Reform Act of 1976 established basic confidentiality protections that require that tax returns and tax return information be held in strictest confidence, with exceptions only being made for criminal cases and instances that involve determining criminal or civil liability. Nina Olson, the National Taxpayer Advocate of the IRS, has described the confidentiality protections as a right that the IRS must “zealously protect” in order to make “the determination of the correct amount of tax that each U.S. taxpayer must pay.” Tax collection and immigration enforcement efforts are conducted separately “in order to make sure that everyone who earns income within our borders pays the proper amount of taxes,” regardless of their immigration status.
Grassley’s last critique is illogical. He may as well openly suggest that there are young undocumented immigrants who have infiltrated tightly-knit Indian tribes and are posing as Native Americans in order to apply for public benefits. Ultimately, Grassley’s concerns aren’t grounded in reality. Undocumented immigrants use phony and stolen SSNs to work, not to collect benefits. It’s highly unlikely that they’ll put their livelihood at risk to receive health care coverage. It’s far more reasonable to suggest that the agencies administering the exchange track and share information amongst themselves so they can investigate any instances in which the exchanges receive multiple applications under a single SSN.
Grassley also named “tax-payer funded abortions” as another “unresolved issue.”
I’m live Tweeting the Senate Finance Committee’s mark-up on @wonkroom.
Sen Max Baucus (D-MT) has just released a Chairman’s amendment to his mark. The new amendment enhances the bill’s affordability measures and increases the threshold on so-called Cadillac health care plans for ‘high-risk’ Americans. The modified amendment also preserves a subsidy to certain Medicare Advantage plans.
Baucus accepted 29 Republican amendments, including 10 from Sen. Olympia Snowe (R-ME), who has indicated that she is open to voting for the Senate Finance Committee bill. Baucus did not address any public option amendments and will likely consider Snowe’s trigger proposal during mark-up.
Below are the most significant revisions:
| Provision | Baucus Mark | New Baucus Amendment | Amendments Accepted (Modified) |
| Affordability of premiums | Families 100% FPL contribute 3% of income to premiums. Families 300% FPL would contribute 13% of income to premiums. | Families 100% FPL contribute 2% of income to premiums. Families 300% FPL would contribute 12% of income to premiums. | Menendez, Kerry, Bingaman and Schumer as amendment C1; Kerry & Menendez as amendment C9, Stabenow as amendment C1. |
| Out of pocket protections | 300%+ FPL = HSA limit ($11,900 families, $5,590 individuals); 200-300% FPL = 1/2 of HSA limit; 100-200% FPL = 1/3 of HSA limit; | 300-400% FPL = 2/3 of the HSA limit | Menendez as amendment C13. |
| Affordability for older Americans | Insurers can charge an older person 5x more for coverage. | Insurers can charge an older person 4x more for coverage. | Wyden as amendment C9, Kerry as amendment C15. |
| Easier to opt out of unaffordable employer coverage | If the costs of employer-sponsored coverage exceed 13% of income, an individual can enroll in the Exchange. | If the costs of employer-sponsored coverage exceed 10% of income, an individual can enroll in the Exchange. | Snowe amendment number C2. |
| Increasing threshold for excise tax on ‘Cadillac’ plans | Insurers w/ policies @ $21,000/families, $8,000/individuals pay 35% excise tax. | New thresholds for high-risk enrollees & non-Medicare retirees aged 55+ ($23,000/families, $8,750/individuals- insurers pay 40% excise tax). Excise tax increased to 40% for all other enrollees, threshold level set at Consumer Price Index (CPI) + 1 percent.. | Kerry, Rockefeller, Schumer, Stabenow, Cantwell, & Menendez as amendment F2. |
| Reducing penalty on individuals/families that don’t meet the requirements of the individual mandate. | Families 100-300% FPL, penalty = $750 – $1,500. More than 300% FPL, penalty = $950-$3,800. | Families 100-300% FPL, penalty = $750-$1,500 . More than 300% FPL, penalty = $1,900 max. Individuals below 100% FPL,no penalty | Snowe as amendment F4 and Schumer as amendment C6 |
| Catastrophic coverage opened to Americans exempt from individual mandate | Only Americans 25 years old and younger could enroll in a ‘high deductible’ catastrophic plan. | Individuals who would otherwise qualify for the exemption from the individual mandate, could now purchase the “young invincible” policy, | Snowe as amendment F5. |
| Preserving some overpayments to private plans participating in Medicare Advantage | The Medicare Advantage program is opened to competitive bidding. | Preserves Medicare Advantage subsidies for seniors living in high cost areas where plans deliver benefits below the average cost of traditional Medicare. | Bill Nelson as amendment D10. |
| Federal employees eligible for the Exchange. | Federal employees would not eligible to enroll in the Exchange until approximately 2022. | Beginning in 2013 elected officials and federal employees may purchase coverage through a state-based exchange, rather than using the traditional Federal Employees Health Benefits Plan | Grassley Amendment C3 |
While marking-up the Kennedy health care bill, Republicans on the Health, Pensions, Education and Labor Committee (HELP) introduced at least seven amendments designed to lower subsidies for Americans who purchase coverage through the Exchange. Now Republicans on the Senate Finance Committee are pushing the same agenda, asking Chairman Max Baucus (D-MT) to accept at least 27 separate amendments to reduce the Committee’s far less generous affordability measures.
Premiums under Sen. Max Baucus’ health plan would be five times as large “as under the HELP bil” yet Republicans want to finance the repeal of health industry taxes, incentives for states to cap non-economic malpractice awards and expanded Health Savings Accounts, by slashing subsidies:
| Amendment/Sponsor | Provision | Offset |
| Kyl Amendment #D5 | The amendment would strike the Medicare DSH provision, replace it with other language. | The amendment would tie the premium tax credit to the lowest cost bronze plan. |
| Cornyn Amendment #D4 | Provide a positive update for physicians reimbursed under the Medicare fee schedule beyond 2011. | Strike the premium tax credit for individuals between 300-400 percent of FPL under Title I, Subtitle C of the Chairman‘s Mark. |
| Bunning Amendment #D3 | Deletes the provision in the Chairman‘s mark that requires the Medicare Commission‘s (or Secretary‘s) original proposal to go into effect automatically if Congress has not passed legislation based on the Commission‘s (or Secretary‘s) proposal by a certain date. | Paid for by reducing the federal poverty level threshold for premium credits in the bill by the amount necessary, starting with the premium credit for individuals between 300% and 400% of poverty. |
| Enzi Amendment #D2 | Provide incentives through temporary increases in federal Medicaid match rates to states that adopt caps on non-economic damages for medical malpractice cases. | Reduce the subsidies as much as necessary to make this amendment budget neutral starting with subsidies awarded to individuals earning 400% of poverty. |
| Grassley Amendment #C12 | This amendment would suspend any fees for two years following an announcement of an economic recession by the National Bureau of Economic Research. | It would be offset by eliminating any subsidies in the Chairman‘s Mark for individuals and families between 300 and 400 percent of federal poverty level ($66,150 to 88,200 for a family of four). |
According to an analysis of the Baucus bill by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, families of three earning anywhere between $54,930 per year (300% FPL) and $73,240 per year ($400% FPL) would have to spend 13% of income on health care premiums or somewhere in the range of $7,141 – $9,521 per year. (Comparatively, families in this range would spend $4,339 – $9,155 under the HELP bill).
For more analysis of the Baucus amendments, click HERE. The full list of affordability amendments is available after the jump: More »

Most of the Republican amendments to Sen. Max Baucus’s (D-MT) mark seek to obstruct legitimate debate, but Sen. Chuck Grassley’s (R-IA) amendments suggest that the ranking member of the Senate Finance Committee won’t support reform legislation that undermines interests of the health care industry.
Grassley, who has spent his entire summer attacking reform legislation, has offered at least 10 amendments that would directly benefit the health industry, of which he is the top recipient of campaign contributions. According to an analysis of records compiled by the Center for Responsive Politics, Grassley received the most health industry contributions this year – $223,600. Sen. Max Baucus (D-MT) was second with $141,000.
While “there is not a quid pro quo,” Sheila Krumholz, executive director of the Center for Responsive Politics explains, “there is an expectation that a contribution gives you a chance to be heard by the member.” Approximately one-third of Grassley’s amendments benefit the industry.
Three separate amendments aim to protect government’s subsidy of private insurers participating in Medicare Advantage. As a senator from a rural state, Grassley is sensitive about ensuring that his constituents have access to health care services, but his devotion to the 13% subsidy undermines the stability of the broader Medicare program, from which 88% of Iowa Medicare enrollees benefit. Traditional Medicare is actually less expensive to administer and is no less effective than private plans in Medicare Advantage. In fact, according to a Government Accountability Office private plans in Medicare Advantage channel the extra payments into profit, not improved benefits.
Four Two of Grassley’s amendments replace the individual mandate to purchase coverage with a reinsurance policy that would allow insurers to pay into a “reinsurance fund” that would finance very high medical expenses. Without an individual mandate, reinsurance could protect the entire insurance pool from picking up the costs of individuals who purchase coverage after a crippling diagnosis. While ‘reinsurance’ does contradict AHIP’s public embrace of the individual mandate, the scheme would benefit private reinsurance firms (some of which are AHIP members).
Grassley also offers four separate amendments to eliminate fees on health insurance providers, medical device manufactures, clinical laboratories, and manufactures and importers of branded drugs. The industry strongly opposes this fees and is lobbying Congress to eliminate them.
Members of the Senate Finance committee have submitted 534 amendments to Sen. Max Baucus’ (D-MT) health care mark. Democrats introduced several amendments re-instating the public insurance option, expanding Medicare to Americans 54 to 65, striking the network of consumer driven cooperatives, and improving affordability standards. Multiple amendments lowered the threshold for subsidies, limited out-of-pocket expenses, increased subsidies for individuals making 300-400% of poverty and narrowed the so-called ‘age-band’ (the variation that allows insurers to charge older beneficiaries higher rates).
Democrats exempt workers in high risk professions from the excise tax on insurers, replaced the free rider provision with an employer mandate, and even proposed tax equity for domestic partnerships.
And while Republicans have proposed several compromise amendments — Sen. Olympia Snowe (R-ME) offered an amendment to ‘trigger’ the public option if affordable coverage was not available to at least 95 percent of state residents — most of their provisions seek to delay the mark-up process and undermine the bill.
Republicans offered two separate amendments prohibiting funding for ACORN, reduced affordability credits, and eliminated “all industry fees.” Here are some of the most outrageous:
| Amendment/Sponsor | Provision | Offset |
| Kyl 371 | Prohibit the federal government’s takeover of health care. | None required. |
| Ensign 409 | Transparency in Czars. | None required. |
| Hatch 511 | Prohibits authorized or appropriated federal funds under the Mark from being distributed to or used by ACORN. | No offset. |
| Ensign 543 | Strike the word “fee” everywhere it appears in the bill and replace with the word “tax” . | No offset. |
| Roberts 137 | To prevent Medicare payment policies which discourage physicians from fulfilling their Hippocratic Oath to maintain the good of their patients as their highest priority, and instead encourage the rationing of health care. | none. |
| Roberts 144 | To ensure that if people like the hometown hospital they have, they can keep it. | To be determined. |
| Ensign 156 | To ensure that the financial well-being of future generations is not compromised by the activities of the current generation. | none. |
| Cornyn 163 | Ensuring seniors have access to physicians beyond 2010. | Strike the premium tax credit for individuals between 300-400 percent of FPL under Title I, Subtitle C of the Chairman’s Mark. |
The Senate Finance Committee begins mark-up this week. Below are some of the most important amendments, categorized into Coverage, Financing, and Delivery reforms. To see the complete list, click here. More »

